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>Population Tables For The Largest Religions

>

The following three tables comes from the NSRI and ARIS data:

Top Twenty Religions in the United States, 2001
(self-identification, ARIS)

Religion 1990 Est.
Adult Pop.
2001 Est.
ADULT Pop.
2004 Est.
Total Pop.
% of U.S. Pop.,
2000
% Change
1990 – 2000
Christianity 151,225,000 159,030,000 224,437,959 76.5% +5%
Nonreligious/Secular 13,116,000 27,539,000 38,865,604 13.2% +110%
Judaism 3,137,000 2,831,000 3,995,371 1.3% -10%
Islam 527,000 1,104,000 1,558,068 0.5% +109%
Buddhism 401,000 1,082,000 1,527,019 0.5% +170%
Agnostic 1,186,000 991,000 1,398,592 0.5% -16%
Atheist 902,000 1,272,986 0.4%
Hinduism 227,000 766,000 1,081,051 0.4% +237%
Unitarian Universalist 502,000 629,000 887,703 0.3% +25%
Wiccan/Pagan/Druid 307,000 433,267 0.1%
Spiritualist 116,000 163,710 0.05%
Native American Religion 47,000 103,000 145,363 0.05% +119%
Baha’i 28,000 84,000 118,549 0.04% +200%
New Age 20,000 68,000 95,968 0.03% +240%
Sikhism 13,000 57,000 80,444 0.03% +338%
Scientology 45,000 55,000 77,621 0.02% +22%
Humanist 29,000 49,000 69,153 0.02% +69%
Deity (Deist) 6,000 49,000 69,153 0.02% +717%
Taoist 23,000 40,000 56,452 0.02% +74%
Eckankar 18,000 26,000 36,694 0.01% +44%

Top Ten ORGANIZED Religions in the United States, 2001
(self-identification, ARIS)

[Nonreligious, Atheist, Agnostic have been dropped from this list.]

Religion 2001 Est.
Adult Pop.
2004 Est.
Total Pop.
% of U.S. Pop.,
2001
Christianity 159,030,000 224,437,959 76.5%
Judaism 2,831,000 3,995,371 1.3%
Islam 1,104,000 1,558,068 0.5%
Buddhism 1,082,000 1,527,019 0.5%
Hinduism 766,000 1,081,051 0.4%
Unitarian Universalist 629,000 887,703 0.3%
Wiccan/Pagan/Druid 307,000 433,267 0.1%
Spiritualist 116,000 163,710 0.05%
Native American Religion 103,000 145,363 0.05%
Baha’i 84,000 118,549 0.04%

Top Ten Largest Religions in the United States, 1990
(self-identification, NSRI)

Religion Estimated
Adult Pop.
Estimated
% of Adult Pop.
Christianity 151,225,000 86.2%
Nonreligious 13,116,000 7.5%
Judaism 3,137,000 1.8%
Agnostic 1,186,000 0.7%
Islam 527,000 * 0.5%
Unitarian Universalist 502,000 0.3%
Buddhism 401,000 * 0.4%
Hinduism 227,000 * 0.2%
Native American Religion 47,000 0.03%
Scientologist 45,000 0.03%

* Islam, Buddhist, Hindu figures in table have been adjusted upwards by Kosmin to account for possible undercount.

ADDITIONAL NOTES:

Christianity. Note that in the NSRI and ARIS studies, based on self-identification, Christianity includes: Catholic, Baptist, Protestant, Methodist/Wesleyan, Lutheran, Presbyterian, Pentecostal/Charismatic, Episcopalian/Anglican, Mormon/Latter-day Saints/LDS, Churches of Christ, Jehovah’s Witness, Seventh-Day Adventist, Assemblies of God, Holiness/Holy, Congregational/United Church of Christ, Church of the Nazarine, Church of God, Eastern Orthodox, Evangelical, Mennonite, Christian Science, Church of the Brethren, Born Again, Nondenominational Christians, Disciples of Christ, Reformed/Dutch Reformed, Apostolic/New Apostolic, Quaker, Full Gospel, Christian Reform, Foursquare Gospel, Fundamentalist, Salvation Army, Independent Christian Church, Covenant Church, Jewish Christians, plus 240,000 adults classified as “other” (who did not fall into the preceding groups).

Islam. In recent years Muslim leaders in the United States have optimistically estimated that there were approximately 6.5 million Muslims in the country (Aly Abuzaakouk, American Muslim Council, 1999). In 1998 a Pakistani newspaper even reported that there were 12 million Muslims in the United States (4.2% of the total population)! After the events of September 11, 2001, many newspaper accounts included an estimate of 8 million American Muslims. This would equate to 3% of the U.S. population, or roughly 1 in every 33 people in the country. No comparable figure has ever been confirmed by independent research similar to the Kosmin or Glenmary studies, or the Gallup, Harris, Pew, Barna polls. Currently, surveys consistently report less than 1% of people surveyed identify themselves as Muslims. Muslim community leaders say that many American Muslims are relatively recent immigrants who either do not have telephone service, do not participate in surveys or are afraid to identify themselves as Muslims for fear of anti-Muslim discrimination. Researchers generally agree that the estimate of 300,000 Muslims in the Kosmin study (1990) and Kosmin’s adjusted estimate (to 500,000) are too small to reflect current (year 2005) numbers of American Muslims. In 2004 the National Study of Youth and Religion conducted by the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (sample size: 3,370 teens nationwide) found that less than one half of one percent (0.5%) of American teens were Muslim, a proportion right in line with the adult Muslim population, based on other studies. Tom W. Smith of the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) at the University of Chicago is a nationally recognized expert in survey research specializing in the study of social change and survey methodology. Smith published “Estimating the Muslim Population in the United States” in 2001. This is probably the most thorough academic study of this topic in recent years. This study concluded: “The best, adjusted, survey-based estimates put the adult Muslim population in 2000 at 0.67 percent or 1,401,000, and the total Muslim population at 1,886,000. Even if high-side estimates based on local surveys, figures from mosques, and ancestry and immigration statistics are given more weight than the survey-based numbers, it is hard to accept estimates that Muslims are greater than 1 percent of the population (2,090,000 adults or 2,814,000 total).” Additional articles and links are here: Number of Muslims in the United States.

Jews and Judaism. The American Jewish Identity Survey of 2000, conducted by Barry Kosmin, Egon Mayer, and Ariela Keysar at the Center for Jewish Studies at the City University of New York’s Graduate Center, concluded that there were 5.5 million Jews in the United States. Of these, 1.4 million were aligned with a religion other than Judaism, 1.4 million were secular or non-religious, leaving 51% of American Jews (just over 3 million people) whose religion was Judaism. The study surveyed 50,000 randomly selected adult Americans. More.

Baha’i. Some representatives of the Baha’i Faith have questioned their omission from the 1990 NSRI “Top 10” list. The NSRI study indicated there were 28,000 self-identified Baha’is in the United States in 1990, making them the 11th largest religion in the country. If one excludes the “nonreligious” and “agnostic” categories from this list, then the Kosmin study would place Baha’is as the 9th largest religion in the U.S.

Although the Kosmin study is well-respected, it should be noted that even with a random sample of such unprecedented size (113,000 respondents), the practical margin of error for this study was high for relatively smaller groups — those with less than 300,000 individuals. In this study, there were a few more respondents who said they were Scientologists or Native American religionists than said they were Baha’is. But given the margin of error, it is possible that in 1990 there were actually more Baha’is. This would be the case especially if, as some Baha’is suggested in response to these findings, there were a high proportion of Baha’is who lived communally and did not have phones for each family, or were recent Iranian immigrants reluctant to identify their Baha’i affiliation over the phone because of past persecution. In 1990 the Baha’i world faith itself claimed 110,000 adherents in the United States. If there were 110,000 self-identified Baha’is in 1990 they would have ranked as the 9th largest U.S. religion (assuming that the other Kosmin figures are accurate).

It is quite possible that growth within this group during this last 9 years has outpaced growth of some other groups, and that Baha’is are now among America’s ten largest religions. But this proposition has not been verified empirically and similar claims of recent growth have also been made by the other groups. Current official estimates from the Baha’i National Spiritual Assembly for the U.S. Baha’i population are about 113,000, or about 0.05% of the U.S. population. On 31 March 2000 received information from the U.S. National Spiritual Assembly listing the number of U.S. Baha’is at 133,709. A non-Baha’i historian from the University of Michigan who has scrutinized American Baha’i statistical practices has estimated a current (1999) figure of about 60,000 self-identified Baha’is in the U.S. But, with the ARIS survey now estimating 84,000 adult self-identified Baha’is in the U.S. in the year 2001, it appears that that historian’s estimate is too low. If children are included and a slight undercount assumed, it is quite possible that there were closer to 100,000 (perhaps more) Baha’is in the U.S. in 2001.

It may also be noted that Baha’is are ranked as one of the world’s ten largest international religious bodies and are among the top ten largest organized religions in the world, based on their current reported estimated membership.

Neo-pagan/Wiccan: There were 768,400 Neo-pagans (largest subset were Wiccans) in the U.S. in the year 2000, according to the Wiccan/Pagan Poll, conducted by the Covenant of the Goddess (CoG) beginning in late July, 1999. [Online source: http://www.cog.org/cogpoll_final.html] The Covenant of the Goddess (CoG) poll methodology is not comparable to methodology used in the Kosmin NSRI/ARIS studies, Harris Poll, Gallup polls, or Glenmary study. In 2004 the National Study of Youth and Religion conducted by the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (sample size: 3,370 teens nationwide) found that fewer than one-third of 1 percent of U.S. teens identified themselves as adherents of paganism (including Wicca). This indicates that the Wiccan/pagan population in the U.S. skews young; the proportion of teens identifying themselves as adherents is up to 3 times the proportion of the total population (0.3%, according to ARIS, 2001).

Another source, published before ARIS data was available:
According to the 2001 edition of David Barrett’s World Christian Encyclopedia, the largest non-Christian organized religions in the U.S. are:

  • Jews: 5.6 million
  • Muslims: 4.1 million
  • Buddhists: 2.4 million
  • Hindus: 1 million

Largest Branches of Christianity in the U.S.
(self-identification, Pew Research Council)

In February and March 2002 the Pew Research Council conducted a survey of 2,002 adults. Questions about religious preference were included. People who identified their religious preference as Christian were asked about which branch of Christianity they belonged to.

The table below was published on page 49 of the Pew report at http://pewforum.org/publications/reports/poll2002.pdf:

Survey Response %, June 1996 %, March 2001 %, March 2002
Protestant 53 53 52
Catholic 23 23 24
Mormon
(Latter-day Saints)
2 2 2
Orthodox 1 1 *
Non-denominational 1 0 0
Something else (Specify) 1 * 2
Not practicing any religion 1 0 0
Don’t know/Refused 2 3 2
TOTAL CHRISTIAN 84% 82% 82%

The percentages shown in this table reflect the number of members of each branch as a proportion of the total U.S. population, not just the Christian population. So the Catholic percentage of 24% for 2002 means that 24% of Americans identified themselves as Catholic in 2002.

This table matches data from Gallup, Barna, and other polling organizations.
For more on this subject

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>There May Be 40 Million Evangelicals in America

>Evangelicalism is a Protestant Christian movement which began in Great Britain in the 1730s.[1] Most adherents consider its key characteristics to be: a belief in the need for personal conversion (or being “born again“); some expression of the gospel in effort; a high regard for Biblical authority; and an emphasis on the death and resurrection of Jesus.[2] David Bebbington has termed these four distinctive aspects conversionism, activism, biblicism, and crucicentrism, saying, “Together they form a quadrilateral of priorities that is the basis of Evangelicalism.”[3]

//

Alternative usage

The term evangelical (with a lower case “e”) can refer to the personal belief that Jesus is the Messiah. The word comes from the Greek word for “Gospel” or “good news:” ευαγγελιον evangelion, from eu- “good” and angelion “message.” In that sense, to be evangelical would mean to be a Christian; that is, someone whose life is founded upon and motivated by the message of the New Testament.

Beginning with the Reformation, evangelical was used in a broad sense to refer to either Protestants or Christians in general. Martin Luther referred to the evangelische Kirche or evangelical church to distinguish Protestants from Catholics in the Roman Catholic Church.[4][5] In Germany and Switzerland, and especially among Lutherans, the term has continued to be used in a broad sense.[6] This can be seen in the names of certain Lutheran denominations or national organizations, such as the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Canada, and the Evangelical Church in Germany.

Current usage

The contemporary North American usage of the term is influenced by the evangelical/fundamentalist controversy of the early 20th century. Evangelicalism may sometimes be perceived as the middle ground between the theological liberalism of the Mainline (Protestant) denominations and the cultural separatism of Fundamentalist Christianity.[7] Evangelicalism is therefore described as “the third of the leading strands in American Protestantism, straddl[ing] the divide between fundamentalists and liberals.”[8] While the North American perception is important to understand the usage of the term, it by no means dominates a wider world view, where the fundamentalist debate was not so influential.

History

Protestant Reformation to World War II

In the 18th century the Wesleyan revival in the Church of England influenced the formation of a party of pietistic Anglicans, whose descendant movement is still called the “Evangelical party”. In the United States, Jonathan Edwards and the “New Lights” (revival Calvinists) were opposed by “Old Lights” (confessional Calvinists). George Whitfield, a Methodist, continued and expanded this pietistic “New Light” revivalism together with the non-Calvinist, Arminian Methodist movement.[citation needed]

From the late 20th century such conservative Protestant Christians, and their churches and social movements, are often called evangelical to distinguish them from Protestants who have a tendency towards more liberal Christianity.[citation needed]

John Nelson Darby, 1800’s English minister – Created the movement of Dispensationalism, an innovative protestant movement that gave rise to evangelicalism – (History Channel “Antichrist: Zero Hour” (2005)).

Post WW II to Present

The term neo-evangelicalism was coined by Harold Ockenga in 1947, to identify a distinct movement within fundamentalist Christianity at the time, especially in the English-speaking world.

There was a split within the fundamentalist movement, as they disagreed among themselves about how a ‘Christian‘ ought to respond to an unbelieving world. The evangelicals urged that Christians must engage the culture directly and constructively,[9] and they began to express reservation about being known to the world as fundamentalists. As Kenneth Kantzer put it at the time, the name fundamentalist had become “an embarrassment instead of a badge of honor.”[10]

The fundamentalists saw the evangelicals as often being too concerned about social acceptance and intellectual respectability, and being too accommodating to a perverse generation that needed correction. In addition, they saw the efforts of evangelist Billy Graham, who worked with non-evangelical denominations, such as the Roman Catholics (which they claimed to be heretical), as a mistake.[11]

The self-identified fundamentalists also cooperated in separating their opponents from the fundamentalist name, by increasingly seeking to distinguish themselves from the more open group, whom they often characterized derogatorily, by Ockenga’s term, “Neo-evangelical” or just Evangelical.

North American perspective

Evangelicals held the view that the modernist and liberal parties in the Protestant churches had surrendered their heritage as Evangelicals by accommodating the views and values of the world. At the same time, they criticized their fellow Fundamentalists for their separatism and their rejection of the Social gospel as it had been developed by Protestant activists of the previous century. They charged the modernists with having lost their identity as Evangelicals and the Fundamentalists with having lost the Christ-like heart of Evangelicalism. They argued that the Gospel needed to be reasserted to distinguish it from the innovations of the liberals and the fundamentalists.

As part of this renewal of Evangelicalism, the new evangelicals sought to engage the modern world and the liberal Christians in a positive way, remaining separate from worldliness but not from the world — a middle way between modernism and the separating variety of fundamentalism. They sought allies in denominational churches and liturgical traditions, disregarding views of eschatology and other “non-essentials”, and joined also with trinitarian varieties of Pentecostalism. They believed that in doing so, they were simply re-acquainting Protestantism with its own recent tradition. The movement’s aim at the outset was to reclaim the Evangelical heritage in their respective churches, not to begin something new; and for this reason, following their separation from Fundamentalists, the same movement has been better known as merely, “Evangelicalism”. By the end of the 20th century, this was the most influential development in American Protestant Christianity.[citation needed]

Global demographics

On a worldwide scale evangelical churches (together with Pentecostals) claim to be the most rapidly growing Christian churches. The two often overlap, in a movement sometimes called Transformationalism. Churches in Africa exhibit rapid growth and great diversity in part because they are not dependent on European and North American evangelical sources. An example of this can be seen in the African Initiated Churches. The World Evangelical Alliance is “a network of churches in 127 nations that have each formed an evangelical alliance and over 100 international organizations joining together to give a worldwide identity, voice and platform to more than 420 million evangelical Christians”[12]. The Alliance (WEA) was formed in 1951 by Evangelicals from 21 countries. It has worked to support its members to work together globally.

Conservative evangelicalism

Chinese evangelical church in Madrid, Spain, a Roman Catholic nation.

Especially toward the end of the 20th century some have tended to confuse evangelicalism and fundamentalism, but they are not the same; the labels represent very distinct differences of approach which both groups are diligent to maintain. Both groups seek to maintain an identity as theological conservatives; evangelicals, however, seek to distance themselves from stereotypical perceptions of the “fundamentalist” posture, of antagonism toward the larger society, advocating involvement in the surrounding community rather than separation from it.

In North America, evangelicals tend to be perceived as socially conservative. For instance, based on the view that marriage is defined as only between one man and one woman, many evangelicals oppose same-sex marriage and polyamory. Also, based on the view that the life of a child begins at conception and that a baby’s right to live takes precedence over the legal right to terminate an unwanted or dangerous pregnancy, evangelicals tend to oppose laws permitting abortion (See below for more details).

Post-evangelicalism

British author Dave Tomlinson characterizes post-evangelicalism as a movement comprising various trends of dissatisfaction among evangelicals. The term is used by others with comparable intent, often to distinguish evangelicals in the so-called emerging church movement from post-evangelicals and anti-evangelicals. Tomlinson argues that “linguistically, the distinction [between evangelical and post-evangelical] is similar to the one that sociologists make between the modern and postmodern eras.”[13]

Evangelicalism in the United States

Demographics

The 2004 survey of religion and politics in the United States[14] identified the Evangelical percentage of the population at 26.3%; while Roman Catholics are 22% and Mainline Protestants make up 16%. In the 2007 Statistical Abstract of the United States, the figures for these same groups are 28.6% (Evangelical), 24.5% (Roman Catholics), and 13.9% (Mainline Protestant.) The latter figures are based on a 2001 study of the self-described religious identification of the adult population for 1990 and 2001 from the Graduate School and University Center at the City University of New York.[15]

The National Association of Evangelicals is a U.S. agency which coordinates cooperative ministry for its member denominations.

Politics

Christian right

Evangelical influence was first evident in the late 19th Century and early 20th Century movement of prohibition[16].

Ironically Roe v Wade, the Supreme Court decision rendered in 1973 preventing states from making laws that prohibit abortion, was not the most significant landmark of a new era of conservative evangelical political action. It was not until 1980 that the evangelical movement came to oppose abortion.[17][18] In reality, it was Green v. Connally a.k.a. Coit v. Green (and President Jimmy Carter‘s support of the decision), which ruled any segregated institution was not charitable and thus not tax-exempt, that galvanized conservative evangelicals.[19]

The mass-appeal of the Christian right in the so-called red states, and its success in rallying resistance to certain social agendas, is sometimes alleged as an attempt to impose theocracy on an otherwise secular society.[20] There are indications that the belief is widespread among conservative evangelicals in the USA that Christianity should enjoy a privileged place in American public life according its importance in American life and history.[21] Accordingly, those evangelicals often strenuously oppose the expression of other faiths in schools or in the course of civic functions. For example, when Venkatachalapathi Samuldrala became the first Hindu priest to offer an invocation before Congress in 2000, the September 21 edition of the online publication operated by the Family Research Council, Culture Facts, raised objection:

While it is true that the United States was founded on the sacred principle of religious freedom for all, that liberty was never intended to exalt other religions to the level that Christianity holds in our country’s heritage. The USA’s founders expected that Christianity—and no other religion—would receive support from the government as long as that support did not violate peoples’ consciences and their right to worship. They would have found utterly incredible the idea that all religions, including paganism, be treated with equal deference.

However, the Christian Right is not made completely (or even a majority) of Evangelical Christians. According to an article in the November 11, 2004 issue of The Economist, entitled “The Triumph of the Religious Right”, “The implication of these findings is that Mr. Bush’s moral majority is not, as is often thought, composed of a bunch of right-wing evangelical Christians. Rather, it consists of traditionalist and observant church-goers of every kind: Catholic and mainline Protestant, as well as evangelicals, Mormons, and Sign Followers. Meanwhile, modernist evangelicals tend to be Democratic.” Although evangelicals are currently seen as being on the Christian Right in the United States, there are those in the center as well. In other countries there is no particular political stance associated with evangelicals.

According to recent reports in the New York Times, some evangelicals have sought to expand their movement’s social agenda to include poverty, combating AIDS in the Third World, and protecting the environment.[22]

Christian left

Typically, members of the evangelical left affirm the primary tenets of evangelical theology, such as the doctrines of Incarnation, atonement, and resurrection, and also see the Bible as a primary authority for the Church. Unlike most evangelicals, however, the evangelical left is generally opposed to capital punishment and supportive of gun control. In many cases, evangelical leftists are pacifistic. Some promote the legalization of gay marriage or protection of access to abortion.

Evangelicals of both the right and left often utilize modern Biblical criticism, most commonly textual criticism.

See also

Publications

[Further reading

  • Bebbington, D W Evangelicals in Modern Britain: A History from the 1730s to the 1980s (London: Unwin, 1989)
  • Carpenter, Joel A., “Fundamentalist Institutions and the Rise of Evangelical Protestantism, 1929-1942,” Church History 49 (1980) pp. 62-75.
  • Freston, Paul (2004). Evangelicals and Politics in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 052160429X.
  • Marsden, George M., Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism, William B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1987.
  • Pierard, Richard V., “The Quest For the Historical Evangelicalism: A Bibliographical Excursus,” Fides et Historia 11 (2) (1979) pp. 60-72.
  • Price, Robert M., “Neo-Evangelicals and Scripture: A Forgotten Period of Ferment,” Christian Scholars Review 15 (4) (1986) pp. 315-330.

External links

Look up evangelist, evangelical, evangelicalism in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Notes

  1. ^ Bebbington, D. W. (2008). Evangelicals in Modern Britain: A History from the 1730s to the 1980s, London: Unwin, 1.
  2. ^ Eskridge, Larry (1995). “Defining Evangelicalism”. Institute for the Study of American Evangelicals. http://www.wheaton.edu/isae/defining_evangelicalism.html. Retrieved on 4 March 2008.
  3. ^ Bebbington, p. 3.
  4. ^ Livingstone, Elizabeth A (2005). The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (3rd ed. rev ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 1800. ISBN 0192802909. p. 583
  5. ^ Gerstner, John H. (1975). “The Theological Boundaries of Evangelical Faith”. in David P. Wells. The Evangelicals. John D. Woodbridge. Nashville: Abingdon Press. pp. 21–36. ISBN 0687121817. “Despite the dominant usage of euangellismos in the New Testament, its derivative, evangelical, was not widely or controversially employed until the Reformation period. Then it came into prominence with Martin Luther precisely because he reasserted Paul’s teaching on the euangellismos as the indispensable message of salvation. Its light, he argued, was hidden under a bushel of ecclesiastical authority, tradition, and liturgy. The essence of the saving message for Luther was justification by faith alone, the article by which not only the church stands or falls but each individual as well. Erasmus, Thomas More, and Johannes Eck denigrated those who accepted this view and referred to them as ‘evangelicals.'”
  6. ^ {{cite book |last=Marsden |first=George M. |authorlink=George Marsden |title=Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism |year=1991 |publisher=W.B. Eerdmans |location=Grand Rapids, MI |isbn=0802805396 |pages=5
  7. ^ Luo, Michael (16 April 2006). “Evangelicals Debate the Meaning of ‘Evangelical’“. The New York Times (nytimes.com). http://www.nytimes.com/2006/04/16/weekinreview/16luo.html?_r=1&adxnnlx=1145227368-p%20hJwvCXS0qceSTw%20jLi8w&pagewanted=all.
  8. ^ Mead, Walter Russell (2006). “God’s Country?”. Foreign Affairs. Council on Foreign Relations. http://www.foreignaffairs.org/20060901faessay85504-p20/walter-russell-mead/god-s-country.html. Retrieved on 27 March 2008.
  9. ^ Henry, Carl F.H., (1947), The Uneasy Conscience of Modern Fundamentalism; reprinted, (2003), Eerdmans, Grand Rapids
  10. ^ Kenneth Kantzer, The Fundamentalist-Evangelical Split retrieved July 2005
  11. ^ (Christian) Fundamentalism
  12. ^ “History”. World Evangelical Alliance. 2006. http://www.worldevangelicalalliance.com/wea/history.htm. Retrieved on 24 May 2007.
  13. ^ Tomlinson, Dave (2007). The Post-Evangelical. pp. 28. ISBN 0310253853.
  14. ^ Green, John C.. “The American Religious Landscape and Political Attitudes: A Baseline for 2004”. http://pewforum.org/publications/surveys/green-full.pdf.
  15. ^ Kosmin, Barry A.; Egon Mayer, Ariela Keysar (2001). “American Religious Identification Survey”. City University of New York.; Graduate School and University Center. http://www.trincoll.edu/NR/rdonlyres/AFCEF53A-8DAB-4CD9-A892-5453E336D35D/0/NEWARISrevised121901b.pdf. Retrieved on 4 April 2007.
  16. ^ Jason S. Lantzer. “From Temperance to Prohibition”. http://www.connerprairie.org/HistoryOnline/temperance.html.
  17. ^ NPR.org “Church Meets State in the Oval Office” on Fresh Air
  18. ^ NPR.org “Charismatic Movement”
  19. ^ [1] Evangelical author Randall Balmer’s article.
  20. ^ New York Times Review of Books ‘American Theocracy,’ by Kevin Phillips
  21. ^ Fresh Air A Political Warning Shot: ‘American Theocracy’
  22. ^ The Evangelical Crackup, cited from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/28/magazine/28Evangelicals-t.html?_r=2&hp&oref=slogin&oref=slogin

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Church President Addresses College Students

PROVO, Utah | 12 January 2009 | Thomas S. Monson, president of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, stressed academic and spiritual preparation for life as he addressed college-age students last evening in a meeting held at the Marriott Center on Brigham Young University campus, Provo, Utah, and broadcast via satellite to numerous other locations throughout the United States and Canada. Full
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Brahma: Hindu God of creation (also identified with Prajapati).
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